jurnalisFiled under: Peristiwa
Filed under: Politics
Asmar is being charged not only with bombing the hotel, he is also suspected of being a member of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), an international terrorist network. His name is now linked to Mustofa, the former leader of JI for Sulawesi and the southern Philippines. Asmar too is reported to be part of the Lampung Wakalah (Chapter) and the Bengkulu Group of JI. Most likely, Asmar belongs to the same network as Hambali, a senior JI activist nabbed by the authorities in Thailand last week.
TEMPO, AUGUST 25, 2003-050/P. 84 Heading National
Filed under: Peristiwa
Filed under: Politik
Filed under: Politics
Tak sedahsyat bom Bali yang meledak Oktober tahun lalu, bom ini tak urung membuat orang bertanya: sebegitu berbahayanyakah tinggal di Indonesia saat ini? Bom bisa meledak di mana saja, kapan saja, dan tak pernah memilih korbannya.
Polisi secara tersirat menghubungkan kasus Marriott dengan bom Bali. Keduanya diduga dilakukan oleh jaringan Jamaah Islamiyah–organisasi yang oleh intelijen Barat diyakini memiliki hubungan dengan Al-Qaidah. Kedua tragedi itu memang memiliki persamaan, tapi juga perbedaan.
Salah satu isyarat yang dipakai polisi untuk menghubungkan Jamaah Islamiyah dengan bom Marriott adalah sejumlah penemuan bahan peledak di Semarang dan Jakarta. Tapi, hingga terbukti di pengadilan, tak ada yang bisa memastikan bom Marriott dirancang oleh kelompok yang sama.
Ancamam bom tampaknya akan menjadi bagian dari hidup kita, sekarang dan juga di masa yang akan datang.
Abdul Manan
TEMPO Edisi 030817-024/Hal. 34 Rubrik Laporan Utama
Filed under: Politics
HARI beranjak siang saat enam anggota Komisi B dan Komisi C MPR dari Fraksi PDI Perjuangan datang ke Jalan Teuku Umar 27, Jakarta, Rabu pekan lalu. Kader banteng itu ingin mendengar pendapat Presiden yang juga Ketua Umum PDI Perjuangan, Megawati Soekarnoputri, tentang perlunya Sidang Umum MPR 2004 yang akan meminta pertanggungjawabannya.
“Mau disuruh membuat laporan pertanggungjawaban, pertanggungjawabannya dinilai, mau ditanggapi, terserah. Enggak ada masalah,” kata Megawati seperti ditirukan Agus Condro, yang saat itu ikut konsultasi. Titah inilah yang mengakhiri sikap ngotot PDI Perjuangan sehingga tak ada voting dalam pengambilan keputusan pada Sidang Tahunan MPR 2003.
Selain soal rehabilitasi nama baik Sukarno, agenda Sidang Umum MPR 2004 ini jadi perdebatan alot. Sedari awal PDI Perjuangan menilai MPR tak perlu menggelar sidang tahun depan, apalagi sampai minta laporan pertanggungjawaban presiden. Sebab, kata Agus Condro, UUD 1945 hasil amandemen tak lagi memberi wewenang MPR untuk itu.
Pada hari ketiga sidang di Komisi Tata Tertib yang membahas soal ini, Fraksi PDIP berjuang sendirian. Sepuluh fraksi lainnya, masing-masing Fraksi Utusan Golongan, Utusan Daerah, Partai Golkar, PPP, Kesatuan dan Kebangsaan Indonesia, Kebangkitan Bangsa, Reformasi, Bulan Bintang, Perserikatan Daulatul Ummah, dan Fraksi TNI/Polri, berada di seberangnya.
Anggota MPR dari Fraksi Partai Golkar, Akil Mochtar, menilai permintaan fraksi-fraksi yang sejalan dengannya sesuai dengan amanat UUD 1945 pada aturan peralihan. Dalam aturan itu disebutkan, kata Akil, sebelum lembaga baru terbentuk, lembaga lama masih tetap berfungsi. Selain itu, dalam Ketetapan Nomor III/MPR/2001 tentang pengangkatan Wakil Presiden Megawati
menjadi presiden, dikatakan presiden wajib memberikan laporan tentang pelaksanaan GBHN kepada Majelis.
Pandangan kedua kubu tak bisa dipertemukan, sekalipun ditempuh usaha lobi-lobi. Lobi dan beberapa kali rapat komisi tak membuahkan kesepakatan, kecuali draf keputusan MPR tentang tata tertib dan Pasal 103 Ayat 1 yang berisi persetujuan adanya sidang MPR yang diselenggarakan September 2004. Sedangkan Pasal 103 Ayat 2, belum diperoleh kata sepakat tentang perlunya presiden menyampaikan pertanggungjawaban. Akhirnya, pada hari kelima, muncul tiga opsi.
Pertama, sidang MPR 2004 perlu mendengarkan pidato presiden tentang pelaksanaan GBHN 1999-2004 dan putusan Majelis lainnya. Kedua, mengenai pidato presiden tentang laporan pertanggungjawaban pelaksanaan GBHN dan putusan Majelis lainnya, penilaiannya dilakukan tiap-tiap fraksi dan tidak menjadi putusan Majelis. Ketiga, untuk pidato presiden tentang laporan pertanggungjawaban pelaksanaan GBHN dan putusan Majelis lainnya, penilaiannya dilakukan tiap-tiap fraksi.
Fraksi PDI Perjuangan satu-satunya yang mendukung alternatif pertama. Fraksi Partai Golkar, Fraksi TNI/Polri, Fraksi Kesatuan Kebangsaan Indonesia, Fraksi Utusan Golongan memilih opsi kedua. Alternatif ketiga diusung Fraksi Reformasi, Kebangkitan Bangsa, Persatuan Pembangunan, Bulan Bintang, Utusan Daerah, dan Fraksi Daulatul Ummah.
Konstelasi semacam itu tak membuat PDI Perjuangan goyah. PDIP bertekad maju terus karena ide itu dinilainya tak sesuai dengan semangat UUD 1945 hasil amendemen. “Karenanya, kami akan minta voting. Enggak apa-apa, meski kami kalah, kan nanti rakyat tahu siapa yang bermain-main dengan kekuasaan,” kata Agus. Rencananya, soal ini akan dibawa ke sidang paripurna MPR untuk diambil kata akhir.
Namun, pertemuan konsultasi satu jam antara Megawati dan enam kadernya itu membuat sidang paripurna MPR terhindar dari adanya voting. Redaksional Pasal 103 Ayat 2 akhirnya disepakati berbunyi “Pidato presiden tentang laporan pertanggungjawaban pelaksanaan GBHN tahun 1999-2004 dan putusan majelis lainnya yang ditanggapi oleh masing-masing fraksi”. Pandangan akhir fraksi pada 7 Agustus itu langsung ditutup dengan menyanyikan lagu Halo-Halo Bandung dan Padamu Negeri.
Menurut pakar hukum tata negara Universitas Indonesia, Prof. Dr. Jimly Assidiqi, masalah ini jadi pelik karena masuknya kepentingan politik. Ada kekhawatiran, kata Jimly, “Ini menjadi bola liar yang bisa menjadi pintu untuk dilakukannya penilaian-penilaian yang bisa merugikan kewibawaan politik presiden.”
Fraksi Partai Golkar menampik bahwa desakan ini untuk menjatuhkan citra politik Megawati, yang juga calon presiden pada pemilu tahun depan. PDI Perjuangan juga menepis tudingan bahwa sikapnya itu untuk melindunginya dari goyangan lawan-lawan politiknya.
Jimly sendiri menilai sidang MPR tahun depan diperlukan. Selain sebagai sidang perpisahan dan selamat datang dari sistem lama ke sistem baru, forum itu juga untuk mendengarkan hasil kerja Komisi Konstitusi. Lembaga ini, berdasarkan hasil Sidang Tahunan MPR 2003 ini, mendapat mandat untuk mengkaji hasil empat kali amendemen UUD 1945.
Abdul Manan, Wuragil (Tempo News Room)
TEMPO Edisi 030817-024/Hal. 40 Rubrik Nasional
Filed under: Politik
Filed under: Politics
Filed under: Politik
Filed under: Politics
Yang disetujui rapat itu, Sidang Tahunan MPR tahun ini hanya membentuk tiga komisi yang membahas Mahkamah Konstitusi, membahas evaluasi Ketetapan MPRS/MPR 1960-2002, dan membahas tata tertib MPR.
Menurut Chatibul Umam, anggota Fraksi Kebangkitan Bangsa, Komisi Rekomendasi penting untuk menilai progress report ketiga lembaga tinggi negara tadi. Lagi pula, menurut Chatibul, MPR sesuai dengan Tata Tertib Pasal 97 ayat 2 masih memiliki wewenang untuk mendengar dan memberikan hasil pembahasan atas laporan lembaga tinggi negara.
Namun, lewat debat sengit, rapat dua jam itu menolak usul tersebut meskipun Fraksi Kebangkitan Bangsa didukung Fraksi Utusan Daerah, Fraksi Reformasi, Fraksi Utusan Golongan, Fraksi Persatuan Pembangunan, Fraksi Partai Golkar, dan Fraksi Kesatuan Indonesia. Sedangkan yang menolak adalah Fraksi PDI Perjuangan, yang kali ini bergandengan tangan dengan Fraksi Daulat Ummat dan Fraksi TNI dan Polri. “Yang mengecewakan,” kata Chatibul, Amien Rais justru, “mendengarkan sikap PDI Perjuangan.”
Sikap PDI Perjuangan diwakili oleh Jacob Tobing. Wakil Ketua PDIP ini menilai masuknya soal rekomendasi mengisyaratkan MPR tak serius melaksanakan amanat UUD 1945. Sebab, konstitusi hasil amendemen tak lagi menempatkan MPR sebagai lembaga tertinggi negara. Dalam tataran ideal, kata Harjono, anggota PDI Perjuangan yang lain, kalaupun sidang tahunan ini menggendakan
laporan Presiden dan DPR serta MA, itu harus dianggap bagian masa transisi menuju sistem MPR baru. Jadi, laporan Presiden tetap ada, fraksi-fraksi tetap menyampaikan pandangannya, namun MPR, “Tidak membuat ketetapan rekomendasi. Itu hanya komunikasi publik,” kata Harjono.
Tiga komisi yang akan dibentuk sudah dinyatakan dalam Keputusan MPR Nomor III/MPR/2002 yang ditandatangani 11 Agustus tahun lalu. Ini juga diperkuat oleh hasil pembahasan Panitia Ad Hoc Khusus Badan Pekerja MPR, yang hasilnya dilaporkan dalam rapat 23 Juli lalu. Badan pekerja inilah yang diberi tugas membahas anggaran sidang tahunan 2003 dan 2004 serta jadwal acaranya.
Jadi, pintu untuk mengegolkan Komisi Rekomendasi tertutup rapat-rapat? Fraksi Kebangkitan Bangsa melihat masih ada pintu lain: lewat pembahasan dalam sidang di Komisi C atau pleno. Chatibul merasa pintu itu bisa ditempuh karena usul didukung oleh tujuh fraksi alias mayoritas. Kesempatan lain juga terbuka saat fraksi menyampaikan pandangan umum. Tapi Chatibul melihat trik-trik sidang yang mungkin mengganjal usulnya. “Mikrofon peserta sering dimatikan saat ada interupsi di sidang pleno,” kata Chatibul. Dia menunjuk pengalaman di sidang pembukaan yang membuat anggota MPR yang ingin interupsi menjadi tak berkutik.
Ketua MPR Amien Rais mengatakan teguran atau kritik setajam apa pun terhadap kinerja presiden bisa saja dilakukan melalui pemandangan umum. Tapi, kata Amien, kritik itu, “Tidak mengerucut menjadi rekomendasi yang isinya koreksi atau kritik seperti tahun-tahun lalu.” Tahun yang lalu Sidang Tahunan MPR masih memberikan rekomendasi berupa Ketetapan MPR Nomor II/MPR 2002–untuk mempercepat pemulihan ekonomi nasional.
Tapi semuanya mungkin dalam politik. Amien tak menutup kemungkinan ada perubahan konstelasi di MPR yang membuka peluang terbentuknya Komisi Rekomendasi dalam sidang yang memakan biaya lebih Rp 20 miliar itu. Bukankah memang di bawah matahari semuanya menjadi mungkin?
Abdul Manan, Yandi M. Rofiandi (Tempo News Room)
TEMPO Edisi 030810-023/Hal. 29 Rubrik Laporan Utama
Filed under: Catatan
Filed under: Politics
Sejak jam 11 saya sudah ada di pengadilan. Kabar tentang ledakan itu juga saya dengar dari teman-teman wartawan yang ada di sana. Karena saya tak bisa datang, akhirnya saya mengetahui informasi detailnya lewat Suara Pembaruan.
Saya baru ke lokasi tadi siang –sebelum ke PN Jakarta Pusat lagi untuk melihat sidang gugatan Tomy Winata terhadap Tempo. Dampak ledakan itu memang lumayan luar biasa. Hampir semua kaca depan hotel itu pecah. Lobi hotel, berantakan. Dan kaca Plaza Mutiara, tetangganya, juga mengalami nasib sama. Karena nontonnya dari jarak sekitar 50 meter, hanya itu saja kerusakan yang kelihatan.
Filed under: Politics
Filed under: Politics
Filed under: Politics
AN elderly man entered the yard of the General Election Commission (KPU) Office on Jalan Veteran in Semarang, and joined dozens of other people lining up to obtain forms to become DPD members, last Tuesday. “I’m only collecting for my friends,” said Muchlas, a 60-year-old retired civil servant, timidly. He was one of about 430 people, collecting the forms needed to compete in the Central Java Provincial House of Representatives (DPD) election.
Muchlas, a resident of Salatiga, will later compete with retired civil servants, former officials, community figures, non-governmental organizations (NGO) activists, artists, celebrities, businesspeople, merchants and students to represent the region in the new institute, the new DPD.
This is the first time since the 1955 General Elections that there will be regional representatives. This has been made possible because of the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, which stipulate that the composition of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) should consist of House of Representatives (DPR) and DPD members who are elected through general elections.
The rush of people registering themselves for the DPD memberships was not only restricted to Semarang. Almost all provincial capitals shared the same experience. “This has surpassed our expectations,” said the KPU Chairman, Prof. Dr. Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin.
In Medan, around 186 forms have been distributed as of last Wednesday. Among those that had registered themselves were the former North Sumatra Governor, Lieutenant General (ret) Raja Inal Siregar, former deputy governor Lundu Panjaitan, former Medan Mayor Colonel (ret) Bachtiar Djafar, former Tebing Tinggi Mayor Rohani Darus Daniel, former Tanjung Balai Mayor Bachtar Nizar Lubis and former South Tapanuli Regent Toharudin Siregar.
Up until last Thursday, in Makassar, 131 people had collected forms, and there was a big variety in the applicants. The first to collect his form at the KPU Secretariat was former Chairman of the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA), Achmad Arnold Baramuli. Unlike many other candidates, he collected the form by himself.
In several regions many officials have entered the competition. In Central Java former Central Java Governor of the 1988-1993 period, H.M. Ismand, and of the 1993-1998 period Soewandi and the Sultan of the Surakarta Kraton (Palace) Mangkunegoro IX are competing for spots. Novelist Ahmad Tohari is also said to be participating in the “festivities”.
Each province will be represented by five DPD members. Due to the limited number of seats, the number of candidates will naturally be reduced significantly. There was also a lot of confusion about the application process, and it appeared that most of the candidates didn’t fully understand what the DPD meant. There were some potential applicants who though that the registration was simply part of the process for applying for a job as a civil servant, and brought application letters along with them. There were also many people who were did not know that each province only has five representatives. “It’s even funnier that some of the applicants only knew what DPD stands for after an official has explained it to them,” said a Central Java KPU official, laughing.
Nazaruddin was sure that the overwhelming number of applicants was a result of ignorance about the heavy workload and responsibility of DPD members. “The requirements are higher than for DPR members,” said Nazaruddin. Why shouldn’t it be? Apart from meeting standard requirements like age and loyalty to Pancasila (Five Basic Principles) applicants must also provide concrete proof of supporting votes.
A candidate of a province with the 1 million citizens should be supported by at least a thousand voters; 1-5 million citizens by 2,000 voters; 5-10 millions citizens by 3,000 voters; 10-15 million citizens by 4,000 voters and those with more than 15 million citizens should at least be supported by 5,000 voters. The supporting letters should be accompanied with photocopies of Resident Identity Cards (KTP), which must be kept with the completed forms until September 8.
These initial qualifying requirements do not address the important matter of funding. After the requirements are met, the applicant must then be ready to cover the costs required for the campaign period, which begins on March 11 and ends April 1, 2004, four days before the April 5 election. It is clear that the Rp5,000 for the form is just the beginning of an expensive political process. “If one has no financial support, it will be exceptionally hard,” said Nazaruddin. So, who is still interested?
Abdul Manan
TEMPO, AUGUST 04, 2003-047/P. 18 Heading National
Filed under: Politics
ZAINAL Arifin looked absorbed in his work of examining the stack of documents on his desk on the seventh floor of the Nusantara I Building of the House of Representatives (DPR) last Thursday. Unlike the other DPR members, who have gone on recess since July 9, these days Zainal is preoccupied with studying the draft law that was completed on Saturday two weeks ago. “I’m putting the finishing touch on the bill as it will be discussed on Tuesday,” said the Chairman of the Standing Committee on the Draft Law on the Constitutional Court.
Assisted by a five-member DPR team of experts, Arifin raced to complete the bill for discussion by the Standing Committee on July 29. On the next day the bill will be submitted to a session of a special committee before being passed at an extraordinary plenary meeting of the DPR on July 31. This express work is intended to reach the deadline of August 17 for the establishment of the Constitutional Court as laid down in the 1945 Constitution.
The Constitutional Court is a new phenomenon indeed. Its powers can be termed extraordinary. Next to testing a law to the 1945 Constitution, those powers include settling any conflict of authority between state institutions, settling general election disputes, dissolving political parties, and examining the legality of any impeachment. The last mentioned power has drawn the strongest reaction.
According to political science expert Prof. Dr. Jimly Asshiddiqie, this is a trauma caused by the impeachment of Abdurrahman Wahid at the Special Session of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) of 2001. The draft Article 29 of the bill requires the DPR to submit the relevant request accompanied by strong evidence that the president and vice president are suspected of a legal violation, in the form of treason, corruption, bribery, culpable action, and other serious criminal acts. Only when the Constitutional Court has handed down its verdict, can the DPR submit the case to the MPR for impeachment of the president.
The Constitutional Court oversees the impeachment process through a legal mechanism, although actually the MPR does not always have to grant the request to impeach the president. Should an impeachment occur, while the Constitutional Court has not been established yet, automatically, Jimly says, the process should go through the normal political mechanism. Just like when the DPR brought the Aburrahman case to the Special Session of the MPR.
That’s not the end of the story. Indirectly the government and the DPR would in that case also create a bad precedent, because that would open the door to any bargaining about the implementation of other articles of the Constitution. “Obviously, this would damage our political system,” says this lecturer of the University of Indonesia’s school of law.
The present delay is purely a matter of negligence. In the past year the DPR completed passage of a host of political laws, such as the Law on General Election of the President and Vice President, and the Law on the Composition and Status of the MPR. According to Zainal Arifin, there is no specific deadline for this law. The DPR prioritizes the handling of this law, because of the need for the General Elections Commission to start working forthwith.
The dragging on of the discussion of this bill is also a consequence of the great number of people who are desirous of becoming justices of the constitution. That’s why, says Arifin, the discussion taking a relatively long time concerns the clause governing the title of law graduate as a prerequisite for justices of the constitution. This article bogged down in the Special Committee, the Standing Committee, and the formulation team. As a consequence, the last word on Article 16 paragraph (1)b will not be heard until July 29.
Minister of Justice & Human Rights, Yusril Ihza Mahendra, last week even threatened to declare a deadlock if a non-law graduate were allowed to take up the position. “But, perhaps that’s exactly what he has been longing to do,” said A.M. Luthfie, a member of the Special Committee from the Reform Faction, to Tjandra Dewi of TEMPO News Room. That’s the more likely as the government has contended all along that this is too tough a matter to be rushed to meet the deadline. Not surprisingly, the government’s inventory of problems related to this DPR-initiated bill lists no less than 355 points.
The Chairman of the Special Committee on the Constitutional Court Bill, Zain Badjeber, however, is optimistic that this issue can be solved. When it has been passed on July 31, he says, the selection of the justices of the constitution can be done until all the nine prescribed justices have been obtained, namely three chosen by the president, three others by the Supreme Court, and three more by the DPR. In Jimly’s judgement the two remaining weeks are sufficient for the government and the DPR to complete their tasks in this issue. “It’s just a matter of political will,” he says.
Abdul Manan.
TEMPO, AUGUST 04, 2003-047/P. 20 Heading National
Filed under: Catatan
Filed under: Politik
